The EU seeks to promote democracy and human rights in Central Asia through three specific funding mechanisms that complement the broader Development Cooperation Instrument. Central Asia is a difficult region for the EU to promote its values. Assistance needs to be targeted and integrated to have any effect. What measures could be taken to revise and strengthen current mechanisms?

The European Union is a security actor in Central Asia, although with less influence than other players. Russia and China have a much larger impact on Central Asian regimes’ security strategies. These limitations do not dispense with the need for the EU to provide a better security narrative, especially in light of its growing emphasis on human security, and to incorporate this into the current review of its strategy for the region. This policy brief will centre on the EU’s contribution to human security in Central Asia.

The EU argues in its Central Asia policy that it wants to take greater account of Afghanistan. But what does this mean in practice? There is a case for engaging the Central Asian states beyond agreements over supply and material transport routes to Afghanistan. Central Asian states themselves have the most to gain from a stabilised Afghanistan. Cultural ties and the increasing economic linkages between Central Asia and Afghanistan need to be taken into consideration so that Central Asian states can be assisted in playing a positive role in Afghanistan together with Western actors.

Following the 'revolution' in April 2010, the subsequent interethnic violence in June and the recent international inquiry into these events, Kyrgyzstan is not in safe waters yet. The coming period leading up to the Presidential elections will be important for the country's stability. What is the current situation in the South of the country, which saw clashes between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, and what are the expectations for the presidential elections? Is Kyrgyzstan on the road to democracy, and what role can external actors play?

All five Central Asian states are weak in terms of rule of law, good governance and democracy. The EU chose to devote specific attention to the rule of law through a regional initiative with Central Asian partners' participation. What is the current state of the initiative and is the EU on track?

The EU's Central Asia Strategy approaches its fourth anniversary. In that time the EU has placed its relationship with Central Asia on a more structured footing. Although progress has been made in building dialogue and in furthering engagement, the strategy's limitations are increasingly obvious. This brief argues that the driving force of the EU engagement should be based on a closer link between security and development. Engagement in this broad field should be underpinned by a values based approach that seeks to promote more explicitly reform on human rights, rule of law, governance and democracy. The momentous changes sweeping across the Middle East and North Africa have demonstrated that even the most apparently durable authoritarian regimes are vulnerable to sudden political shocks.

Structured human rights dialogues are held with each of the five Central Asian republics. They are designed to discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights as well as to raise the concerns of the EU on human rights in Central Asia. In addition, the dialogues seek to involve human rights activists, NGO members, and academia representatives from both Europe and Central Asia through civil society seminars. But is this working? Is improvement in human rights noticeable in the region? This policy brief reviews and evaluates the performance of the dialogues to date, paying specific attention to the shortcomings of the existing practices, and provides recommendations for what could be improved with regard to planning and procedures.

This brief looks at Kazakhstan's chairmanship through the prism of the EU's relations with Central Asian states and examines what lessons the EU can draw from the Kazakhstan chairmanship. The OSCE Chairmanship and the agreement to hold the 2010 OSCE Summit in Astana, despite it not having a Summit-like agenda were significant 'carrots' given to Kazakhstan. Did these carrots bring any results, and is there any reason to offer more such carrots to Kazakhstan or to other Central Asian states?

The allocation and use of the water resources of Central Asia is one of the most difficult issues to arise out of the break-up of the Soviet Union. How should the waters of the great Central Asian rivers, the Syr Darya and Amu Darya, be used? To generate much needed hydropower electricity in the mountainous countries in which they arise? Or for irrigation in the energy-rich downstream countries? The aim of this paper is to describe the basic problem and the efforts undertaken both by the Central Asian states and the international community, including the EU, to seek a resolution. It traces recent developments relating to the planned construction of dams, the modification of energy supplies and the periodic issue of increasingly bellicose statements from the capitals of the region. Finally it looks into the challenge for establishing a modern international legal order to govern the region's strategic water resources.

The EU's Central Asia Strategy was introduced in 2007 in order to upgrade the EU's cooperation with the five states of the region. One of the objectives of EUCAM was to assess and monitor the implementation of the EU's Central Asia Strategy. This policy brief serves as a summary of the EUCAM Report Into EurAsia - Monitoring the EU's Central Asia Strategy, by Michael Emerson, Jos Boonstra, Nafisa Hasanova, Marlene Laruelle and Sebastien Peyrouse.

Since 2008, after the period of relative growth and social stability, the situation in Tajikistan has been steadily deteriorating; thus leading to increased speculation that the country could emerge as a failing state. Given its proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the role it plays in the Northern Distribution Network, a line that funnels military supplies from Europe to NATO ISAF troops in Afghanistan, the ramifications of potential instability in Tajikistan would resonate beyond the country. The current brief assesses to what extent such danger is in fact real by outlining developments in the key areas of economy and security, and examining the regime's coping capacity to deal with emerging challenges.

Since 2003, the EU has been exporting border management assistance to the Central Asian Republics via the Border Management Programme for Central Asia (BOMCA), which has sought to train border guards, provide key technology and infrastructure at border crossings, and prod states in managing their borders jointly. BOMCA is funded by the European Union and implemented by the United Nations Development Programme through a network of five in-country teams wholly dedicated to BOMCA. While the programme's continued presence in all Central Asian states is itself a success and measures well in comparison to initiatives in the EU's Central Asia Strategy for a New Partnership, 2007-2013, this policy brief assesses BOMCA's mission and achievements so far and provides recommendations designed to bolster the EU's impact on border management assistance.

Central Asia faces a broad range of security challenges. Due to the region's position at the crossroads between Russia, China and Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran and the Caspian Sea it is confronted with a range of trans-national issues such as drug trafficking, human trafficking, organised crime and terrorism. Central Asia also encounters specific regional threats including scarcity of water resources for generating power and irrigation purposes, which is currently causing tension. On a national level the five Central Asian republics face the threat of instability due to bad governance and the harsh impact of the economic crisis. The European Union regards itself as a security actor and takes a keen interest in working with Central Asian states on the basis of joint security interests. This EUCAM policy brief assesses in what aspects of Security Sector Reform the EU is engaged in with Central Asia and in what context these possible activities should be viewed.

The EU's Rule of Law Initiative is intended, on the part of the EU and member states, "to support on-going modernisation of the legal sector, as part of a more comprehensive strategy to foster and consolidate stability, prosperity and respect for human rights in Central Asian countries". Rule of Law is now being viewed as a key policy goal amongst international development actors. Economic growth, political modernisation and the ability to attract foreign investment hinges, in part, on strengthening rule of law in transitional states. This Policy Brief analyses the development and implementation of the EU's Rule of Law Initiative in Central Asia, paying attention to the process and problems of political dialogue, the coordination of specific long-term projects through various agencies and the normative limitations of the approach.

After fifteen years of independence, there are practically no democratic institutions in place in Uzbekistan. Four years after the 2005 Andijon crackdown and the subsequent Western sanctions, almost nothing has changed and the European Union is struggling to establish a credible policy towards the 'heart of Central Asia'. Uzbekistan is not an easy or predictable partner. The EU must make its message about the importance of reforms heard within the Uzbek political elite. Only a long-term EU commitment and engagement geared towards Uzbekistan's development will help to build relations and create clarity on both sides.

In 2007 the EU published a Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia. In its initial stages the EU focused on developing new forums for dialogue with the Central Asian countries, and received some criticism for inadequate substantive actions. This Policy Brief argues that the current global economic crisis does not alter the priorities of the EU Strategy, but it does require the EU to stick to existing obligations and also provides an opportunity for fresh initiatives to better achieve the Strategy's fundamental goals. This EUCAM Policy Brief is part of a mini-series of three publications on the impact of the global slowdown on Central Asia and its relations with the European Union.

In spite of positive developments in terms of human rights, the rule of law and democratisation in Central Asia following the adoption of the European Union (EU) Strategy for Central Asia in June 2007, the state of the mass media continues to deteriorate in all five countries in the region. This policy brief identifies tendencies and problems affecting the development of free media outlets in Central Asia and proposes ways and means through which the EU could engage to improve the situation.

The energy shortage in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan has deteriorated recently, with serious repercussions on the local population. Both countries are heavily dependent on hydro resources but the outdated and barely functional energy infrastructure in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan has had to face a number of environmental challenges, such as a cycle of dry years and harsh winters. This EUCAM Policy Brief focusses on the root causes of the energy crisis in Kyrgyzstan, assessing its implications for the wider region and looking at the role the European Union could play in working with Kyrgyzstan to improve the situation.

During 2008, Kosovo independence, the Russo-Georgian war and the revival of tensions in Xinjiang and Tibet moved the question of separatism once again to the top of the international agenda. In Central Asia, where state-building remains difficult because of multiple domestic problems, the question of separatism is seen as crucial and the revival of the issue of Uyghur separatism in western China has caused widespread concern. This EUCAM Policy Brief addresses the difficulties of the questions of Kosovo and Georgia for EU strategy and the broad impact of these two cases upon the post-Soviet space in general, and Central Asia in particular.

The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline links Azerbaijan and Georgia to European energy markets but has also opened up a transit corridor for resource-rich Central Asian states. Kazakhstan has increasingly used this westbound route for its oil exports but was startled during the August cionflict between Russia and Georgia. This EUCAM Policy Brief assesses the impact of the war on Kazakhstan's plans of 'going west'. Although the impact of the war has been severe Astana does not seem inclined to give up the South Caucasus route, which is highly important for commercial and geopolitical reasons.

Most of the spotlight on Central Asia continues to be on its potential role in guaranteeing Europe's energy security by helping to diversify its energy supplies. This legitimate although increasingly exclusive focus risks overshadowing one of the most urgent issues that the region's populations face: food security. Food security refers here to both physical and economical access to food and food supplies. The current food crisis in the region cannot be understood unless located in the broader nexus that encompasses food, water and, indeed, energy (gas and oil).This paper provides an evaluation of the current food security crisis in Central Asia and links it to the broader water crisis experienced by Central and South Asia forming an 'energy-water-food security nexus'.

On the 20th of July 2007, the Council of the European Union adopted 'The EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership'. The Strategy signalled the EU's ambition to initiate a fundamental shift in its relations with Central Asia through, for the first time, linking general political goals to a concrete working prospectus in the region.